ACQJ editorial office
Never before had a law or reform received all the votes necessary for approval. This historic event in Albanian parliamentarism was marked in July 2016. The Justice Reform, one of the most important since the post-communist period. The 140 green cards were raised in the special senate after a rare consensus among political forces. Despite the numerous opinions and reactions in the political arena, the pressure exerted on them by international factors was greater than the will of the left and right political parties.
In public opinion, trust in the fruits of this reform was still at low levels. Politics and its actors were the elite of Albanian society who did not encounter problems with justice, did not “break” the law and no one punished them. Those who believed in this reform were in the minority. The myth of impunity had been created not only for politicians, but also for high-ranking officials or state functionaries.
Impunity had already assumed the status of normality and skepticism had taken deep roots. Confronting the justice of a powerful politician, a serving minister, a member of parliament, a mayor, or even a judge was a difficult and almost impossible mission.
Lawyer Alban Duraj defines the reform as an "imposed" but necessary process. It was the pressure exerted by international factors, the European Union and the United States of America and not the political will to give life to a new era of Albanian justice. The lawyer goes further and says that almost all political parties that publicly supported and voted for this reform immediately contested it when senior political figures were affected and put under investigation.
For years, the Albanian justice system had functioned as an extension of politics and influential politicians, with judges and prosecutors closely linked to them, commanded or influenced by their power. The justice system has always been in the shadow of politics. A reality that had made it impossible to punish high-ranking officials, despite repeated accusations of corruption. Duraj says that politics had set up a system that was not in the service of the citizen and the Services it offered were not based on the law. The barriers erected encouraged corruption and directed the citizen towards the only solution, bribery.
The new era of justice
The Justice Reform, among other things, produced the Special Structure Against Corruption and Organized Crime and the Special Court, SPAK and GJKKO. A new reality had just emerged in Albania, numerous difficulties and challenges for SPAK, which was supposed to bring the missing justice to the country, with a significant lack of prosecutors, with a reduced staff, with technology from the last century and without a clear investigation methodology. Challenges that were overcome thanks to internal commitment and international support.
Now it was SPAK's turn, the first challenge in the face of a denunciation that came two days after the creation of this structure which had not yet created the protocol office to receive complaints and denunciations from citizens or civil society. "Nisam Thurje, publicly raised the issue of sterilization, a major corruption affair that reached the highest ministerial levels. Endri Shabani says that this reform and these established structures have produced a new investigation methodology and a standard that is growing every day more and more in the fight against corruption.
Shabani, who also filed the first complaint, on the second day of the opening of this institution, confesses that they had not yet set up the protocol office when he arrived for the first complaint, the sterilization issue.
The denunciation of this scandal in Albania was related to the concession contract for the sterilization of surgical equipment in public hospitals, a contract signed in 2015, during the Socialist Party's government. This concession was considered harmful to the state budget and with strong indications of corruption, subsequently leading to criminal investigations and convictions of senior officials of the Ministry of Health and Minister Ilir Beqaj.
Trust and access to the new justice institutions are seen the same way by lawyers Alban Duraj and Jordan Daci. An important component of the reform was also Vetting, a process that would sift through the integrity, professionalism and assets of judges and prosecutors. This much-discussed process removed more than 60% of magistrates from the justice system, after a detailed assessment of the decisions taken and unjustified assets. Despite the great and difficult work, Vetting, according to lawyer Alban Duraj, has had serious shortcomings and unjustified dismissals.
"Those who should have been excluded passed the vetting. While those who decided the fate of others are today convicted or have taken political positions"- Duraj underlines.
The lawyer does not stop there, but emphasizes that this causes a huge cost to the state budget that will burden Albanian citizens. Many cases have been won at the International Court in Strasbourg.
The beginnings of SPAK
The agents of the National Bureau of Investigation, on the morning of February 10 of this year, suddenly landed in the majestic building of the Municipality of Tirana, with a warrant in hand, signed by the prosecutor Olsi Dado and the head of SPAK, Altin Dumani. It was not a simple arrest, but the overthrow of a myth that accompanied politicians for 35 years of transition. The most important man and the first citizen of Tirana, Mayor Erion Veliaj, faced serious charges. The charges that led him to prison came after a long investigation that involved businessmen, family members and his wife Ajola Xoxa.
charges
- Passive Corruption
- Laundering of Proceeds of Crime
- False Declaration of Assets
In the first five years of SPAK's work, attacks and accusations aimed at the new justice institution were never lacking, even though in so few years this institution has initiated and succeeded in a number of corruption cases involving high-ranking officials, such as Erion Veliaj, Lefter Koka, Ilir Beqja, Alqi Bllako, Vangjush Dako, Arben Ahmetaj, Ilir Meta, Sali Berisha, and a long list of names that have dominated Albanian politics who are now convicted or facing the new justice system. Names that once led institutions at the highest levels, lectured at the most important political decision-making tables or appeared as defenders of the law. What once seemed unimaginable began with the arrest and conviction of former Interior Minister Saimir Tahiri, and culminated with the arrest of the Mayor of Tirana, Erion Veliaj.
In a few years, a long list of high-level officials has been investigated, charged or convicted for corruption, abuse of office and misuse of public funds. Many of them were key figures in the ranks of Prime Minister Rama's three cabinets since 2013, figures in Parliament, local administration, central administration or technical functioning, representing the Albanian state.
Their appearance at the doors of this institution, initially, resembled a catwalk or a joke with the journalists present, and was not given the necessary seriousness. Many defined it as a meeting between colleagues or a relaxing coffee. Important details that have not escaped even the journalist Anila Hoxha.
"Many high-ranking officials and politicians have crossed the threshold of that glass building many times with positivity, making jokes. I'm here for a coffee, I was called in vain, but after they left the Prosecutor's Office, they were not so sporty but they understood that their accounts were opened and they were asked about what they know. "- emphasizes journalist Hoxha.
Against the backdrop of a charged political climate, prosecutors and judges exercised their duties in a delicate terrain, where political sensitivities were ever present. Although they declared that their decisions were not influenced by politics, the reality was that the political context of the day made complete insulation from external influences impossible.
Political parties often created an aggressive and tense atmosphere, with strong opposing positions that often put justice at the center of public battles. This polarized climate did not help the performance of the judicial system at all. Even in psychological terms, the burden was high due to the public noise, but also because of the international attention.
However, the initial mocking and cheerful parades and catwalks, over time, began to take on a more somber, more serious, more oppressive tone. One after another, all the officials who visited SPAK for a “meeting with colleagues” left the doors of this institution no longer smiling, but serious and often gloomy.
At the forefront of this new era of justice is the arrest of former Minister Saimir Tahiri. The name of the Minister of the Interior was mentioned in a report by the Catania Prosecutor's Office. The Italian justice system had put under investigation a structured criminal group of drug trafficking, an investigation that shocked public opinion. The most powerful and closest man to Prime Minister Rama, was accused of links to the Habilaj group. Saimir Tahiri, known at the time for his harsh rhetoric against crime, ended up in prison. Although the direct charges of trafficking were dropped, he was convicted of "abuse of office". The former minister's case was initially investigated by the former Serious Crimes Prosecutor's Office, but it was the Special Court that convicted him.
His case marked the first precedent: a former Minister of the Interior was investigated, tried, and convicted. What had once seemed impossible was now a reality. Despite this, public opinion still did not believe in the continuation of other important cases.
Another important issue, according to journalist Luljeta Progni, was undoubtedly that of the incendiaries. A scandal that brought together politicians in a corrupt scheme the likes of which the country has never seen.
"When I went to interview the Head of the Investigative Commission, Jorida Tabaku, about the incinerator affair, she asked me: "Are you sure you're going to broadcast it? No microphones were coming near." "That sentence hit me. It was a clear indication that this was a very big affair. That's when I realized that it wasn't just about corruption, but about something that many were afraid to touch." journalist Progni says about the case she published in the media.
The investigation into the incinerator affair began in 2017 with the Elbasan contract, where the data was unclear. Then, protests by residents in Fier prompted investigations into the companies that won the contracts, which turned out to be connected to each other and without any experience in the waste field. These companies were trying to create legitimacy through foreign figures. With the revelation of the Tirana contract in 2020, the scheme appeared broader and the political connections became more visible. After a long investigative work, an unknown name appeared at the center of everything: Mirel Mërtiri.
The incinerator issue was first reported in depth and documented by BIRN Albania (Balkan Investigative Reporting Network). In 2017, BIRN journalists first began investigating the Elbasan incinerator contract, which raised serious questions about the transparency and legality of the procedure. Their investigations later uncovered a similar scheme in Fier and later in Tirana, with the same inexperienced individuals and companies winning large public contracts.
The Balkan Network for Investigative Journalism was the first to identify key names such as Stela Gugallja, Klodian Zoto and shadowy figure Mirel Mërtiri, building a clear map of the connections between them and state officials.
Aleksandra Bogdani journalist, tells ACQJ that "the investigation into this matter remained limited and to a few levels, which were very clearly implicated, but many other people have not been investigated or brought to trial to date even though they have clear connections." Bogdani goes further and emphasizes that the issue became public and pressure on justice institutions increased, which later led to the launch of investigations by SPAK and the criminal prosecution of several senior officials.
However, according to Bogdani himself, justice has failed to reach its conclusion, not including all the people with real responsibility in this massive financial and institutional affair..
The main responsibility for this affair fell on former Minister of Environment Lefter Koka, being labeled as "Minister of Incinerators".
Lefter Koka, a silent figure in the “Rama 1” cabinet, was arrested by SPAK for passive corruption, abuse of office and money laundering. According to the prosecution, Koka had received millions of lek in bribes from companies that benefited from the Elbasan and Fier incinerator contracts.
The investigation was based on official documents, suspicious financial movements and statements from justice collaborators. His arrest became a symbol of a justice system that no longer spares anyone. This event also marked the first time that a former minister was arrested in the line of duty for an affair that was directly related to a publicly promoted government policy.
Another name in the Albanian Parliament, MP Alqi Bllako, emerged from this profiteering scheme in SPAK's investigations. A young but promising figure on the political scene with a simple profile, good education and a rapidly rising career, Bllako took his place among the ranks of young socialists who aspired to be different, with less connection to classic names.
But his path to the top of the administration collided with one of the biggest corruption scandals in the country: the incinerators issue. In this case, his name was tarnished after the investigations were carried out. He had not been part of the public tables where the incinerator project was loudly defended as "waste management solutions". Dressed in the costume of the director of the National Water and Sewerage Agency and then that of the Secretary General at the Ministry of Environment, according to SPAK, he signed the document that paved the way for the concession of the Fier incinerator. The SPAK file shows that Bllako had personally intervened to favor the contract by enabling the realization of a fictitious agreement in the interest of the beneficiary company. This scandal was not considered simply as a corruption issue but as a story where public money is burned for Services that are paid for and not provided.
The Fier incinerator did not operate for a single day even though the state budget continued to pay millions of euros for a missing service.
For some in the public opinion, the incinerator case was proof that SPAK was moving, but for others, it was also a reminder that corruption in Albania does not only come from old figures, but also from new officials, who have chosen to adapt to the system, not challenge it.
From the heights of power to prison or escape
Despite SPAK's sensational achievements over the years, until then, the most sensational figure under indictment by the justice institutions was the government's number two, former Deputy Prime Minister Arben Ahmetaj. Today he is on the run and internationally wanted by justice. One of the most trusted and closest people to Prime Minister Rama, he was initially investigated for the incinerators issue, but then the investigation was expanded to several tracks: corruption, money laundering, concealment of assets and illegal influence in decision-making. The investigative file included evidence of luxury trips, apartments paid for by businessmen, suspicious payments on behalf of his relatives and contracts concluded in secret.
The investigation against him extended to relatives and family members, Ahmetaj's ex-wife and cohabitant. The former number two in the government refused to appear in the special structure for which he had raised the green card, to pave the way for new justice. Although wanted, Ahmetaj has appeared in domestic and foreign television studios addressing strong accusations against the Rama government, where he was part before justice acted on him.
Also, regarding the accusations leveled against high-ranking public figures, in the first days of SPAK's work, a stream of denunciations came from Endri Shabani, leader of the Nisma Thurje, addressed to the former Minister of Health, Ilir Beqaj. The latter says that his movement has sent 6 cases to SPAK, the first of which is actually related to the sterilization file.
"This case represented the theft of money from medicines and hospitals, to be used to build villas for those in power. So many Albanians lose their lives in hospitals so that a minister, a director, a businessman connected to them can build villas at the expense of ordinary Albanians." Shabani says about the first denunciations.
Initially, Beqaj was promoted as one of the young people of the Socialist Party who would bring modernization and efficiency to public Services. Ilir Beqaj was not a typical political figure but came from a technical background, with experience in managing public funds, and took over one of the most sensitive and important sectors in the country, healthcare.
But after a decade on the public stage, he is no longer a minister, but a defendant by SPAK. From 2013 to 2017, during Edi Rama's first government, he emerged as a figure with clear ideas for modernizing the healthcare system, but was quickly associated with controversy over the way public funds were managed, especially regarding concessions in the laboratory analysis and sterilization sectors.
However, the indictment that today brings him to justice is not directly related to his time as a minister, but to a position that went almost unnoticed by the public: head of the State Agency for the European Co-Governance and Regional Development Program (SAPHEZ).
SPAK accuses Beqaj of violating equality in tenders and passive corruption, in connection with the awarding of public contracts for regional development projects worth millions of euros.
New hopes that did not materialize
It was the early years of a new century, when civil society voices were flourishing in Albania, a revolutionary movement in defense of civic interests, led by a young, intellectual and hopeful man. Erion Veliaj's career began as an activist with the MJAFT! movement. The organization denounced corruption, clientelism and lack of transparency in government. Ironic when you consider that today, as mayor of Tirana, the latter is facing exactly the same accusations as: clientelistic favoritism, lack of transparency and misuse of public funds.
Today, almost a quarter of a century later, his political opponents inside and outside the party expected Veliaj to turn out to be part of the Tirana incinerator as one of the most corrupt acts or a scheme built by the mayor's directors and close associates, and justice has sent him to the dock for other charges.
For journalist Luljeta Progni, the arrest of Mayor Veliaj was expected, but unbelievable until it happened due to the high influence he had created in every state instance.
Old politicians with old accusations
In addition to the ruling caste of politicians, opposition leaders were also not spared from the confrontation with SPAK. Sali Berisha and Ilir Meta, figures who have held the highest positions in the Albanian state, one under compulsory reporting and the other in prison.
An economics graduate, Minister, Prime Minister, Speaker of Parliament, President and founder of the third political force at one time in the country, Ilir Meta is one of the four figures who has dominated Albanian politics for more than three decades.
In 2023, a new reality began to undo this key figure in Albanian politics. SPAK opened the file on the famous agreement reached between the Czech company CEZ and the Albanian government in the years when Ilir Meta was Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Economy. An agreement that cost the Albanian state around 500 million euros in losses and that ended with the payment of 95 million euros by the Albanian government to avoid international arbitration.
In this scheme, according to the investigations, the intermediary was the DIA company of businessman Kastriot Ismailaj, considered one of the closest people to Ilir Meta, and which today may be the golden key that SPAK has in hand to open the hot files of the former President of Albania. The media has also reported on a high number of unaudited payments, missing documents and indirect connections through people close to Meta. Meta himself has denied the accusations and has described everything as a "political trial" led by the government.
Another area where justice has extended its investigation is the personal assets of Ilir Meta and his ex-wife, Monika Kryemadhi. SPAK has stated that it is cooperating with Swiss and Austrian authorities to investigate suspicious money movements. During the investigations at SPAK, the children of the two politicians also appeared. After the May 11 elections, Ilir Meta is no longer in any position that gives him immunity. He is an opposition leader, with little real control over the institutions.
Another name that is quite controversial in the media environment is that of former Prime Minister Sali Berisha. The opposition leader is not only facing his political opponents but is also at the center of accusations from the judiciary.
On December 30, 2023, the Special Court Against Corruption and Organized Crime imposed house arrest on Sali Berisha, as part of the investigation into the case known as the Partizani File, an affair related to the alienation of public property in the former Partizani sports complex, where his son-in-law, Jamarbër Malltezi, benefited. SPAK accused Berisha of passive corruption of a senior public official, alleging that he used his position as prime minister in the years 2008–2012 to influence the privatization of the land, benefiting indirectly through his family members.
This fierce battle with justice did not stop the opposition leader from continuing active politics and competing in the May 11 elections. Sali Berisha has been one of the most critical voices against the new justice system, and has often articulated serious accusations against prosecutors and judges of the newly established bodies.
For years, Berisha was untouchable. But the SPAK investigation, the arrest of his son-in-law, and the decision to place him under house arrest followed by mandatory reporting have placed Berisha on a new terrain, that of confronting justice and accountability.
SPAK in 2024
The latest report by the Center for the Study of Democracy and Governance (CSDG) highlights that corruption remains a widespread phenomenon in Albanian institutions, with a clear emphasis on local government and simple but significant forms in the implementation of corrupt schemes. During 2024, the vast majority of corruption cases prosecuted by SPAK and convicted by the Special Court were related to the criminal offenses of abuse of office and illegal gain of interests.
In particular, the analysis shows that the high-level officials convicted during 2024 are mainly mayors. Of the eight corruption cases that were tried during this year, seven of them are related to local government, while only one case involves officials from the justice system, unlike previous years, where central government officials were also part of the statistics.
During 2024, no corruption convictions involving high-level officials from the executive or legislative branches were recorded, reflecting a significant gap in the criminalization of corruption at the highest levels of political decision-making in Albania.
Another significant aspect of the analysis is the association of corruption with relatively small economic damages. Apart from a few isolated cases, the majority of corrupt acts prosecuted in 2024, in contrast to the findings of previous years, had small financial consequences, with simple enforcement mechanisms and without widespread use of sophisticated schemes to conceal activities. These mainly include direct payments, minor manipulations in tenders and procurement, as well as influence on electoral processes at the local level.
The report also highlights the lack of decisions related to corruption in the justice system, despite the referral of 19 cases by the Independent Qualification Commission to the prosecutor's office for criminal prosecution.
For the first time in more than three decades of transition, powerful names in Albanian politics were called to account before the law. Not in conference rooms or television studios, but in front of SPAK prosecutors and GJKKO judges.
The events of recent years and the work of SPAK, brought a wild and hostile environment accompanied by personal attacks and denigrating language even towards the media. Attacks and public lynchings in all directions. Journalist Eni Ferhati says that the pressures on the media have also ranged from the simplest to the most sophisticated. Ferhati goes further and says that SPAK itself has been at the center of the attacks and even the very existence of this structure has been called into question. Often, at the center of the attacks of Berisha, Meta, Veliaj and Ahmetaj was the head of SPAK, Altin Dumani.
Lawyers Alban Duraj and Jordan Daci say that investigations must be fair, independent and respect human rights. The investigation of high-ranking officials should serve as a warning to all those who aspire to public office. These people should feel afraid of criminal liability, not protected by the government.
The fight against corruption is not a marathon with a finish line, but a permanent battle with the old power structures, clientelistic interests and political compromises. The new justice system is considered one of the most decisive moments in Albania's progress towards integration aspirations or the proper functioning of the state. For the ordinary citizen, these cases are both hope and disappointment. On the one hand, the arrest of a former minister or mayor brings the feeling that some kind of accountability is finally being given after more than three and a half decades. On the other hand, the dragging of processes and the lack of final sentences raise the suspicion that everything may remain half-baked.
